Equality for Afghan Women Remains a Critical Goal for President Ghani

By Mayesha Alam

Originally featured in Global Post here.

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Afghanistan is at a crossroads. After taking office in a close election last year, President Ashraf Ghani has struggled to form a government and build a solid partnership with his political rival, Abdullah Abdullah, who was appointed chief executive officer in a power-sharing compromise.

Ghani ran as a reform candidate. He promised to reform policies, institutions and public discourse. On the key issue of women’s rights, he is trying to live up to his pledge.

After a woman was beaten and set on fire for allegedly desecrating the Quran, President Ghani ordered an investigation. He said, “No individual is allowed to make oneself a judge and use violence to punish others.”

An arrest in the case was an important signal his government would no longer tolerate violence against women or pursuing vigilante justice in the name of Islam.

On March 21, the eve of his first official visit to the United States, President Gahni announced 16 new cabinet nominees that included four women. This encouraging step is in line with an earlier commitment to appointing women in senior level positions of government.

The president invited a group of prominent Afghan women to join his official delegation to Washington, including Dr. Sima Samar, chairperson of the Independent Afghan Human Rights Commission; Dr. Habiba Sarabi, first female governor of a province; Nargis Nehan, founder and head of women’s civil society organization called Equality for Peace and Democracy; and Kamila Sadiqi, an entrepreneur and business owner profiled in Gayle Lemmon’s best-selling book The Dressmaker of Khair Khana.

These respected, pioneering Afghan women leaders served as advisers during President Ghani’s trip and help keep women’s empowerment squarely on the agenda.

Rula Ghani, the president’s wife, has been a crucial ally and spokesperson in the government’s outreach to women. On a visit to Washington in February, she explained how she sees herself as a “listener.” She has pledged to hear the grievances of ordinary Afghans, especially women, to enable her to help devise solutions on issues such as unemployment or access to basic services.

This is a remarkable turn of events. Mrs. Ghani’s public leadership stands in stark contrast to that of her predecessor, Zeenat Karzai, who was rarely seen and did not campaign for her husband.

Mrs. Ghani’s words and actions are sanctioned by the new president. He has supported her participation in international conferences where she has repeatedly spoken on the need for women’s empowerment in Afghanistan. With his encouragement, Mrs. Ghani has created new initiatives to connect Afghan women and youth to resources that can improve their lives.

Her messages have been sensitive to local culture. She has sought to inspire Afghan citizens participate in civic action. She routinely refers to historical examples of Muslim women leaders, including from the time of Prophet Muhammad, which makes it difficult for naysayers to accuse her of espousing Western or un-Islamic beliefs and traditions.

She is highly educated, dignified and charming. She is creating a model for young Afghan women who are trying to find their own voices.

President Ghani’s rhetoric and recent actions, along with his wife’s public persona, provide reasons for cautious optimism about the government’s commitment to women’s rights.

It is clear, however, that the ultimate measure of progress will be access to higher education for common Afghan women, freedom to exercise their productive potential in the formal economy, hold leadership positions in government and civil society and participate in the all-crucial peace process.

As anticipation rises for the prospect of negotiations with the Taliban, a fundamental question remains: what about Afghan women and girls? Will their rights be bargained away in a peace arrangement with the Taliban? Will they be invited to share their perspectives as part of the dialogue and hold decision-making positions?

In February, Mrs. Ghani said, “If peace and reconciliation with the Taliban happens, you can be sure that women won’t lose their rights…My husband won’t allow that.” But, she also acknowledged, “Whether or not women will be at the table, I don’t know.”

The High Peace Council is currently comprised of 61 men and only nine women. Moreover, the daily insecurity that women face — especially in rural and remote areas where they continue to be marginalized — is an issue of grave concern.  Women must be safe and free in their homes, in their communities and beyond to live as full and equal citizens.

The simple reality is that Afghanistan cannot move forward if half its population is left behind. The well being of the Afghan women — including the protection of their rights as well participation in political and socioeconomic life — will be vital to ensuring democracy and prosperity.

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Mayesha Alam is the Associate Director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and the author of Women and Transitional Justice: Progress and Persistent Challenges. 

“Women Are Key to Change” – A Discussion with Baroness Mary Goudie

By Ashley Binetti

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Baroness Mary Goudie is a senior member of the House of Lords who firmly believes that “women [must] have a voice at the peace table and at every table where decisions are made.” She frequently writes about issues facing women and children, with an emphasis on gender equity, in her blog, which has garnered international attention. This Tuesday, March 31, Baroness Goudie hosted her 5th Annual Blog Breakfast. More than 50 women leaders who work on the advancement of women and girls gathered to discuss the theme “Global Uncertainty: Women are Key to Change.”

2015 is a big year of anniversaries in the women, peace and security field; it is the 20th anniversary of UN Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, and the 15^th anniversary of the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325. Baroness Goudie reflected, “Beijing set the agenda…but hasn’t gone far enough. We need to lobby our governments, the OECD, and the G8 to work on the unfinished business of Beijing.” The Baroness noted how far we have come—particularly in terms of health and education—and yet how far the world has to go before achieving gender equality. Baroness Goudie reminded the room that economic and political participation remain the biggest gaps for women and girls around the world: “Out of 500 Fortune companies, only 23 of the CEOs are women” and “women occupy only 23 percent of parliamentary seats worldwide.”

In light of the conflict the world has seen in the past year, event moderator Stefenie Foster asked the Baroness to describe the role that women can play in peacebuilding. The Baroness recalled the triumph in passing UNSCR 1325, but urged that all actors should take concrete steps to ensure this document is not ignored as “just a piece of paper.” She continued, “There must be a woman at every [peace] table, and local women have to be there.” To achieve this goal, the Baroness stated that the international community must monitor peace processes, asking, “Why aren’t local women here? And if anyone tells you there are no qualified women, that is simply untrue.”

Rend Al-Rahim, President of Iraq Foundation, agreed that the international community must hold governments accountable. She noted the “naming and shaming” technique that Transparency International uses to shed light on corruption, and wondered if it would be worthwhile to create a similar barometer to track how governments are performing on engaging women in decision-making and reconciliation processes.

Al-Rahim also identified the importance of highlighting models where women have played a significant role in peace processes to demonstrate that inclusion works. Baroness Goudie shared that there are several such models—including Northern Ireland, South Africa and Liberia, among others. These models teach us that, beyond international pressure, “local women have to say they want to be at the table, and then show up and not leave until they are invited in.” Foster added that we have witnessed women’s meaningful engagement in the Philippines, and also in Colombia—their inclusion in negotiations is essential to engendering sustainable peace.

Alyse Nelson of Vital Voices raised another key issue facing the advancement of women: “There is incredible rhetoric on women’s equality, but political will and resources haven’t matched up. How do we get governments to put more money into this?” Baroness Goudie believes the answer lies in a combination of peer pressure and transparency. Donor governments must be encouraged to contribute additional support for these initiatives, and receiving governments must be transparent about how funds are used. The Baroness cited a paper recently published by the Gates Foundation, which describes how money is funneled into developing countries that often lack a functioning civil government or strong banking infrastructure. She emphasized that we must ensure strong governments are in place and that governance training is provided, but cautioned, “We have to be careful how we do it; we don’t want to cause ripples. We must work through NGOs [and with] governments.”

Baroness Goudie also spoke to concerns about partisan politics. She noted, “The issues we work on are thought to be soft issues, but they are powerful issues…they are good for people around the world.” The Baroness stressed that Women, Peace and Security is an area where we have been able to work across political lines; “It’s about being persistent, and saying we are not going away. These are common issues of humanity.”

Foster concluded the breakfast with one final question: How do we engage young people on these issues? The Baroness did not hesitate in saying, “We need a greater push…we need education!” Baroness Mary Goudie reminded the room throughout the morning that “If we don’t all come together, we are not going to get any change.” This means including everyone—women, men, young people, NGOs, governments and corporations—in this important work to advance gender equality and attain peace.

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Ashley Binetti is the 2014-2015 Hillary Rodham Clinton Law Fellow at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. She received her J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center in 2014, specializing in human rights and transnational law.

Women on the Frontlines of Water Insecurity

By Mayesha Alam

Find the PDF version of this Information2Action Rapid Response here.

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Water is essential to life on earth, but we are facing a global crisis. According to a new report released by UNESCO on March 22 to mark International Water Day, the world will face a 40 percent shortage in our water supply by 2030. This is an alarming problem that disproportionately affects women and girls.

In many places around the world where dependable irrigation is a distant dream and clean water a precious commodity, women and girls bear the primary burden of finding water. What they are able to carry on their heads and shoulders is then rationed carefully for drinking, cooking, cleaning and other livelihood needs. In fact, around the world, women and children spend 140 million hours per day collecting water for their families and communities, according to Water.org, and this results in their lost productive potential. For example, in many villages of India and Ethiopia, girls are kept out of school or fall behind on their studies because they are required to fetch water. This, in turn, contributes to child marriage and early pregnancy. For women in warzones, such as South Sudan, the often long and lonely journey of collecting water comes with very real physical dangers, including rape and kidnapping. For those who are forcibly displaced, either in their own countries or as refugees in foreign lands, lack of access to water or sanitation is one of the most significant challenges faced on a daily basis. Climate change is also exacerbating water shortage and women, who comprise the majority of the world’s agricultural labor force, must adapt to increased famines, droughts and flooding. Lack of adequate access to safe water and sanitation is also a key factor in maternal and child mortality, and is dramatically more pronounced in rural settings. In January 2015, the World Economic Forum identified water shortage as being the single greatest “Global Risk” based on its widespread societal effects.

But women and girls are not merely victims of this global crisis and nor should they be perceived as such. Increasing access to clean water would increase girls’ enrollments in school and their levels of literacy and education. In Ghana, researchers found that reducing the time a girl needs to spend gathering water by even a mere 15 minutes would increase her school attendance rate by 8 to 12 percent. Similarly, women would be able to spend that time working, providing for their families and contributing to economic growth. Inexpensive and bio-friendly tools would allow women and girls to become shepherds of environmental sustainability. Simple investments in increasing access to clean water and sanitation have the potential to reap multiple economic, social, health, and even political dividends. The World Health Organization estimates that every $1 spent on water and sanitation would reap a $4 monetary benefit. Moreover, ensuring universal access to water and basic sanitation would reduce unsafe water-borne sickness and associated healthcare costs, as well as increase output to grow the global economy by $32 billion.

This year marks the fifteenth anniversary since the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals, which were created to eradicate extreme poverty, as well as the twentieth anniversary of the UN Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. As we measure progress made, it is important to reflect on not only how far we’ve come, but also how far we have yet to go. For example, more people around the world own a cell phone than a toilet. Raising awareness coupled with greater access to credit, especially for women who have an extremely difficult time receiving loans or are unable to own property in many countries, represent cost-effective measures to improving irrigation and hygiene.

The simple truth is that without water, humanity cannot survive, just as without women, who constitute more than half the global population, humanity cannot thrive. Ensuring women’s empowerment is a critical ingredient to mitigate the risks of water insecurity. To create positive change, we will need political leadership, scientific innovation, environmental conservation and the full and equal participation of women.

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Mayesha Alam is the Associate Director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and the author of Women and Transitional Justice: Progress and Persistent Challenges (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).

UN Commission on the Status of Women 59: An Overview

By Mara D’Amico, Alexandra Zimmerman Safir and Ashley Binetti

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Though the Commission on the Status of Women meets annually, this year was especially significant as it marked the 20th anniversary of the UN Fourth World Conference on Women, where 189 countries adopted the landmark Beijing Platform for Action. This anniversary, along with the 15th anniversary of the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the transition from Millennium Development Goals to Sustainable Development Goals, set the stage for critical evaluations of the progress that has been made and thoughtful plans for moving forward.

The week kicked off with International Women’s Day on March 8, and moved into the Clinton Foundation’s release of the No Ceilings Full Participation Report and #NotThere campaign. Through a mass collection and analysis of data on women and girls, the report shows us that more than 150 countries lack critical protections to ensuring women’s economic participation. We see that one in three women has experienced sexual or physical violence, often at the hands of a husband or partner. And we learn that women are still significantly underrepresented in parliaments and other decision-making bodies across the globe. This data is helping us to acknowledge the progress that has been made, and prove how far we still have to go.

Staff members from GIWPS participated in the opening week of CSW59, attending a series of events from “Realizing Gender Equality, Women’s Rights and Women’s Empowerment within and beyond the Post-2015 Development Agenda” to “The Role of Social Norms for Gender Equality” to “Women’s Economic Empowerment: Regional and Global Policy Challenges.”

Throughout the week’s events, a few key themes emerged.

Women’s Participation In Decision-Making

Across the events, subject-matter experts discussed the need for greater participation of women in decision-making at all levels. In order to advance and sustain the gains that have been made with regard to women’s health, girls’ education, women’s economic participation and involvement in peacekeeping, it is essential that women have a place at decision-making tables.

As noted by Gloria Bonder, Principal of the Gender, Society and Policy Department at FLACSO, “We’ve made many advances for women’s presence in society, and we need to make sure we talk about where we include women…We need to work to bring a future of inclusion with quality at the same time.”

Women’s participation in decision-making cannot be an afterthought, and it should be a priority in the boardroom, at the parliamentary level, in electoral processes and in families. Especially in conflict and post-conflict situations, women must be included in the decisions that deeply impact their lives and the future of their country. According to one speaker, “It’s more dangerous to be a woman than a soldier in armed conflict…Women are also not consulted on their needs, which affects the quality of their assistance.” Having a place at the table can not only save their lives, but can also chart a new course for a more sustainable future.

In one session on advancing women’s political participation, Massimo Tommasoli of International IDEA noted that the Sustainable Development Goals had made “great improvements” by making “women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life” a target. However, women MPs currently represent 22% of parliamentarians, and 73% of countries have 15% or fewer women in parliament. One panelist from Kenya noted that campaign financing is one of the greatest barriers prohibiting women from entering politics, as well as threat of violence and pervasive cultural attitudes. A female parliamentarian from Kenya shared, “If I had to go through what I went through again to get elected, I would probably not run; It was so hard.”

A Focus On Women And Climate Change

As we move from the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development goals and really task ourselves with thinking sustainably, we must make it a priority to include women and girls in discussions and decisions. The impacts of climate change and natural disasters disproportionately impact women and girls, and any measures to respond to climate change should include their voices. This was a common thread throughout a number of discussions on fully realizing the Beijing Platform for Action and prioritizing gender equality in the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals. One panelist echoed this sentiment in stating, “This is a key year for change. We can’t achieve any of these goals unless women and girls are front and center.”

The Role Of Men And Boys In Achieving Gender Equality

In every event that we attended, there was, at the very least, some mention of the role of men and boys in achieving gender equality. There seemed to be an overwhelming acceptance that what have long been called “women’s issues” are the concern of all, and gains in gender equality both requires and benefits those of every gender. As noted by Bafana Khumalo, Senior Programmes Specialist at Sonke Gender Justice, “Gender equality is not just about policies. It’s about life, and quality of life. There’s no other option but to include men and boys because it does benefit all.”

Despite this widespread acceptance of the inclusion of men and boys in addressing the most intractable issues facing women and girls, many speakers discussed the challenges we still face in actually implementing this charge. Hazami Barmada, co-Founder of Al-Mubadarah, echoed this sentiment in stating, “The fight for equality is not about programs and initiatives. It will require a movement, a paradigm shift. There are socio-economic and cultural issues that need to be addressed.”

Programs like the UN Women’s HeForShe campaign can start to shift these entrenched gender norms, but it is critical that we seek new and innovative ways to include men and boys in this work of shifting the thought paradigm about gender equality.

Ties Between Women And Economic Growth

While it has been recognized that more women are entering leadership positions and running large companies, women’s participation in the labor force has actually stagnated. Globally, women still face significant challenges in access to paid work, the majority of their work in the informal sector goes unrecognized, and women across every region often deal with a care burden or achieving a so-called work-life balance. However, each region also has its own unique challenges in regards to women’s economic participation, and must tailor unique policies to overcome these challenges.

During one panel event, the representative from the African region discussed women’s significant participation in small-scale mining; however, much of this participation is not counted and, therefore, is rarely captured in GDP earnings. The work they do is invisible to policy-makers and the public, but legislation for mine safety and policies to benefit women in the small-scale mining industry could have a tremendous impact in ensuring a safe working environment and that women’s participation is measured appropriately.

If we were to close the global labor force participation gender gap, global GDP could grow by 12%. Women’s economic empowerment is essential to poverty alleviation and eventual elimination, and must be an integral part of the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals.

The Need For More Data

Beginning the week with the No Ceilings Full Participation Report launch set the stage for essential discussions about the need for more data on women and girls. According to Shailaja Chandra, Chief Secretary in Delhi, “You need these tools to be able to convince governments – data, statistics, etc. Only when you have that is it possible to make policy decisions and investments.” Organizations have now spent decades planning and implementing programs to advance the status of women and girls, and thorough evaluations of these programs are necessary to determine the ways in which we move forward. We need data to see why we have made such progress globally in some areas, but still have deep-seated gender gaps in other areas.

Coming away from CSW59, the energy emanating from the almost 9,000 activists who attended is tangible. However, the outcomes of the two-week convenings are less momentous. Many women’s organizations consider the resulting political declaration to be weak, and accuse the body of backtracking on efforts to fully realize or move beyond the Beijing Platform for action.

We must build on the existing momentum to advance women’s rights and well-being across the globe, but we need to do this in a more forward-thinking way. Though it is important that we reflect critically on the progress that has been made and the goals that have not yet been achieved, we have to set a higher standard for women’s rights around the world. The Beijing Platform for Action was incredibly progressive and forward-thinking when it was adopted in 1995, and we can fully honor its significance by raising the bar now in 2015.

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Mara D’Amico is the 2014-2015 Hillary Rodham Clinton Communications Fellow at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. She is a graduate of the Clinton School of Public Service, specializing in policy and programming to address gender-based violence.

Ashley Binetti is the 2014-2015 Hillary Rodham Clinton Law Fellow at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. She received her J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center in 2014, specializing in human rights and transnational law.

Alexandra Z. Safir is the Program Coordinator for the International Council on Women’s Business Leadership at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. She holds a Master’s Degree in Middle Eastern Studies from the University of Chicago.

Women of ISIS: Seeking a Gendered Understanding of Extremist Recruitment in the West

By Ashley Binetti

Originally posted on The Carter Center’s Forum on Women blog. 

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Of the 455 publicly identified men and women who have traveled or attempted to travel to Syria to fight with a terrorist organization, 36 are women from the West. The average age of these women is 18 years old. What lures young Western women to join extremist movements? It is a question that has not yet been given the attention it deserves.

To successfully counter violent extremism, efforts must seek to understand what attracts women to join such movements, not solely writing it off as mental illness or an attraction to trivialities. CNN recently came under fire for stating that the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) uses “Nutella and kittens” to attract Western women to its call for violent jihad. Experts assert the pull is much more complex: “Believe it or not, women can be susceptible to ideologies too,” stated one panelist at the Global Center on Cooperative Security’s Roles of Women and Youth in Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism.

On January 23, 2015, Shannon Maureen Conley became the first woman in America to be sentenced for conspiracy to support ISIS. Conley was found in violation of Title 18 of the United States Code Section 2339B, “Providing and Attempting to Provide Material Support or Resources to a Designated Foreign Terrorist Organization.”

The Affidavit supporting Conley’s criminal complaint and arrest warrant details Conley’s conversations with FBI Special Agents. In those eight interviews, Conley repeatedly identified that she wanted to go overseas and wage jihad—either as a combatant or a medical assistant in the field. (Byrne Aff. ¶6). She continued to affirm her plan to join extremist efforts abroad, despite warnings from the special agents regarding the illegality of her intended actions that could result in her arrest: “When asked if she still wanted to carry out the plans, knowing they are illegal, Conley said that she does.” (Byrne Aff. ¶7). Conley told the special agents “she would rather be in prison than do nothing.” (Byrne Aff. ¶ 11). Conley also shared that she met a 32 year-old male online who was fighting for ISIS in Syria whom she planned to marry. (Byrne Aff. ¶¶ 17-18). Conley was arrested at the airport on April 4, 2014.

While Judge Raymond P. Moore acknowledged during the trial that “[Conley] is in need of psychiatric help,” and “I’m not saying that her decisions were all a product of mental illness…But she’s a bit of a mess,” he sentenced Conley to a four-year prison sentence to deter others from joining ISIS. We must ask how much of a deterrent effect this sentence will have on other young women. After all, Conley received numerous warnings from FBI agents that her plans were illegal, but she was not dissuaded. The way in which ISIS treats non-Muslim female slaves, “kidnapping, selling and raping women and children,” or beheads journalists and other hostages, has also not deterred the young girls that continue to leave their homes to join the extremist group they fervently support. What benefit do young women see in waging violent jihad, in defending a radical interpretation of Islam “that seeks to install a Taliban-style utopia that will ensure you can never have a job or get an education”?

Rather than using one young woman’s prison sentence in hopes of deterring others from joining ISIS, more research is needed on why these women are drawn to extremist ideology in the first place. We must be wary of attributing this attraction to the frivolities of “Nutella and kittens” because “it denies women any political agency…[and] it infantilizes them in a way that you would assume they would be drawn to this for the most superficial reasons,” according to Nimmi Gowrinathan, a visiting professor at the Colin Powell Center for Civic and Global Leadership at City College, New York.

There is an ideological element that often goes ignored—especially in the case of young women, where they are cast aside as “mentally unstable,” or characterized as leaving “to marry the jihadist militant of their dreams.” However, the search for a sense of belonging is an underlying factor that must be examined: “[ISIS is] targeting the young men and women who want to be part of something greater than themselves to accept this movement for the validity that they believe the [Qur’an] is teaching,” said Richard Brennan, a Middle East expert at the RAND Institute.

Is the pull a matter of the desire to belong, mixed with powerful propaganda? For young women who feel ostracized by their own communities, is it the promise of love that draws them in? In Conley’s case, one news report labeled her as “a bright teenager lost in middle-class suburbia who went searching for love and purpose.” Conley had converted to Islam during her junior year of high school, and, according to Judge Moore, “almost agreed to marry three different people in a matter of months” between 2011 and 2014. She read the Qur’an in its entirety for the first time only after she was incarcerated.

If we don’t invest in serious research efforts to understand why Western women are joining ISIS, we risk finding more young women like Conley behind bars, labeled as “terrorists,” in the hope of deterring others from following suit.

Adolescent Girls in Crisis

Originally featured in Huffington Post here.

By Ambassador Melanne Verveer and Sarah Degnan Kambou

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“I was in the field when they came. They came out of nowhere and they took me away, into the bush. I was just a child. They stole us away. They stole our innocence. They stole our lives from us.”

These are the words of Espérence, a girl taken from her family when war erupted in her village in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo. And we know that there are tens of thousands more like her around the world. From villages in Northern Nigeria, to refugee camps in Jordan and Turkey, to communities fleeing their homes as a result of natural disasters, conflicts and crises are devastating the lives of men, women and children.

Conflict razes more than homes and cities. It dismantles social systems, leaving girls like Espérence particularly vulnerable to displacement and exploitation. In these settings, girls remain acutely vulnerable to physical and psychological abuse, rape, forced marriage, unwanted pregnancy and premature death. For adolescent girls living in these conditions, harassment and abuse are daily occurrences; basic safety is never taken for granted and fear is one of life’s few constants.

And yet, adolescent girls are powerful tools in building a better future. Ignoring or overlooking their rights and needs compromises any chance for long term sustainability and security. Joblessness, disrupted education, and untreated mental and physical wounds today are tomorrow’s peace and security problems. Moreover, we cannot possibly respond to these needs without talking with girls themselves.

We must shelve piece-meal approaches that neglect the expressed needs of adolescent girls and have subsequently proven to be woefully inadequate in mitigating their risk. Rather, the global community must move to a more effective approach – one that is girl-centric, comprehensive and integrated, and one that reduces risk and nurtures leaders for post-conflict societies.

Fundamentally, global leaders and policy makers must take a strong, principled stand against organizations, entities and individuals who are perpetrating violence, creating mayhem and devastating the lives of all citizens, but targeting adolescent girls in particular. Agencies entrusted with protecting civil society and the public good must condemn heinous, barbaric acts, such as forcing young girls to marry or act as sex slaves.

These global platforms are absolutely critical in focusing the world’s attention, and indeed resources, toward improving the lives of those living through conflict and crisis. But they are not enough. Above all, the global community must help societies marred by conflict and crisis to build up the community’s resilience to resist the further spread or a resurgence of a conflict.

What stands in the way of advancing a girl-centered strategy when responding to conflicts and crises? First, we lack critical information. Research documents how adolescent girls are faring globally, but these findings are reflective of more stable settings. Second, the media coverage of girls in crisis – from the Chibok Girls in Nigeria to girls in refugee camps in Jordan, to sex slaves held under ISIS – far too often sensationalizes coverage of girls’ horrific circumstances. Instead, the media must take a broader view of girls’ realities and report back on the rebuilding of lives and communities after the traditional media cycle for crises has ended.

Third, civil society groups, who are often frontline responders in crises, represent an under-tapped resource in building knowledge on how to address the needs of adolescent girls. Field staff trained to work in post-crisis settings can play an important role in facilitating critical reflection and documenting evidence that will inform policy and programs moving forward.

Fourth, those who have perpetrated violence against women and girls often emerge from conflict with impunity, or even as powerful leaders of new regimes. We must use law and policy tools at our disposal to ensure those who are responsible for perpetrating violence against girls are held to account. Moreover, we must pioneer new tools, which specifically advance the rights and lift up the voices of girls and women who have survived. We must work together to establish a new policy agenda for girls in crisis, which not only protects them from violence and exploitation in such instances, but also advance their rights.

In all spheres, let’s not move forward without the active involvement of girls themselves, who, through lived experience, are deeply familiar with difficult and dangerous times, and are knowledgeable about practical solutions that will meet immediate needs and prepare girls for the day when crisis abates and communities rebuild.

Each and every one of us has the power to say this is not the future we want for adolescent girls like Espérence. Let’s start today.

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Ambassador Melanne Verveer is the Executive Director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, and former Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women’s Issues.

Sarah Degnan Kambou is the President of the International Center for Research on Women.

Protecting and Empowering Women And Girls In Situations of Crisis and Conflict

Since the mid-1990s, there have been significant increases in the recorded number of all disasters and in deaths resulting from those disasters, especially in low-income countries. Compounding these natural disasters are those of another sort, as conflicts and civil wars are increasingly afflicting individual countries and, more broadly, our sense of global security. In situations of both crisis and conflict, women and girls are often the most vulnerable and the most at risk of targeted violence. Indeed, women and children account for more than 75 percent of the refugees and displaced persons from war, famine, persecution and natural disaster. In cases of conflicts and disasters, existing social structures and networks that previously protected women are destroyed. In many circumstances, the socially determined roles and responsibilities of women cause gender-based inequalities in access to resources and decision-making power. And in conflict and crisis, the risk of sexual violence greatly increases.

Adolescent girls face even worse dangers. Girls lack social power and protection due to their age and gender. Adolescent girls often fall through the cracks of traditional child protection interventions in emergencies.

The problem of adolescent girls in crisis and conflict situations is gaining renewed momentum. On March 6^th, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, the International Center for Research on Women, Plan International and the Women’s Refugee Commission partnered to convene a symposium to explore the status of girls in crisis settings and mobilize key stakeholders to take action in their interest. The key outcome of the symposium was the generation of recommendations across several domains – research, policy, programming and media – that will protect and empower the girls affected by conflict and disasters around the world.

This week, The Bill, Hillary and Chelsea Clinton Foundation No Ceilings Initiative, The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Data2X are releasing new data and a new Not There campaign on the connection between rights and opportunities for women and girls and prosperity, stability and security around the world. These efforts serve to emphasize the lack of data on the dangers faced by women and adolescent girls in crisis situations, and fill these existing gaps. Indeed, the limited evidence on violence against women and girls (VAWG) in conflict and humanitarian situations has prevented effective investment in VAWG programming in emergencies. To study the impact of natural disasters on these vulnerable groups, there is an urgent need for sex-disaggregated data on disaster-related mortality, morbidity and long-term health consequences. More data must also be collected on VAWG in conflict situations, specifically looking at rape, child marriage and other forms of gender-based violence.

There is no miracle solution to the problems facing adolescent girls in conflict and crisis. Women, especially young women, are the first to suffer the consequences of insecurity, poverty and disease. The situation is not entirely dire however: the resolution of disaster situations can often lead to a shift in gender roles, which can open up possibilities for positive social change, and give women and girls a chance to be active partners in changing their countries for the better. Finding solutions to the problems facing women and girls in crisis requires a multi-faceted approach, starting with the collection of qualitative and quantitative sex-disaggregated data on the field.

The solution to this issue requires a multi-faceted approach that engages all platforms and all actors across the spectrum. The domains discussed in the March 6^th symposium – media, policy, research and programming – are all crucial allies in preventing and responding to the needs of women and girls in crisis and conflict settings. But they face serious challenges as well. Media, for example, can be a tool for highlighting the needs of women and girls in crisis, but has increasingly been used as a tool for targeted violence against women. The UN Commission on Women stated in a recent report that new media is often a platform for the perpetuation of harmful masculinities and the objectification of women and girls. In addition, more data is needed in order to accurately assess and address area-specific violence against women and girls; the research sector needs to become more engaged in collecting this qualitative and quantitative data. Policy-makers and governments also face the challenge of formulating policies that address the issue in depth and effectively, as policies and programs to serve women or children oftentimes do not take into account the specific vulnerabilities and needs of adolescent girls.

However, adolescent girls in humanitarian settings should not just be seen as a vulnerable group – as victims – because girls possess enormous capacity to be a source of transformation in their families and communities. Research suggests that investing in girls’ economic and social empowerment can reduce their risks of being victims of violence and effectively encourages sustainable development. We must empower young girls to use their voices to guide future policies, research, programming and media campaigns around this issue and give them the opportunity to be a part of the solution.

The fight to protect and empower women and girls in situations of conflict and crisis is far from over. It is important to take stock of the progress made, and also acknowledge opportunities for future progress. Not only can girls’ voices bring innovative and creative solutions to the debate, but their empowerment can also transform entire communities for the better. It is time that we listened.

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Annabelle Timsit is the undergraduate Research Assistant at the Institute for Women, Peace and Security. She is a second year student in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, and is majoring in International Politics with a concentration in Foreign Policy. She has worked on issues of women’s political participation, education and reproductive justice in Washington D.C., France and Guatemala, and spent a gap year working with female political asylum seekers in Paris.  

 

Women’s Equality Isn’t a Zero Sum Game. It’s Vital for Peace and Prosperity.

By Ambassador Melanne Verveer and Mayesha Alam

Originally posted in The Guardian here.

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There is a plethora of data which demonstrates that women’s economic participation grows economies, creates jobs and builds inclusive prosperity. As essential as women’s equality is for growth, it is often stymied by discriminatory laws, customs, and structural barriers that restrict women from full participating in the formal economy. In no country is the gender equality gap completely closed.

In the United States, women still do not receive equal pay for equal work. The pay gap has barely changed in a decade, it exists in nearly every occupation and it is exacerbated for women of color and older women. The lack of paid maternity leave makes it difficult for women to have children and also work outside the home. The resulting loss of income hurts families and the larger economy.

The international community has acknowledged the essential role that women play in peace and prosperity, which is particularly evident in conflict zones. Secretary of State John Kerry noted, “Countries that value and empower women to participate fully in decision-making are more stable, prosperous and secure. The opposite is also true. When women are excluded from negotiations, the peace that follows is more tenuous. Trust is eroded, and human rights and accountability are often ignored”.

For countries emerging out of conflict, women’s access to jobs and markets is essential to ensuring stability. Peace agreements alone do not bring security; employment brings stability that is critical to security. Access to a sustainable livelihood is especially important for women survivors of conflict who must care for themselves and dependents such as children and elderly parents.

We have seen an example of progress in the Philippines – where women have helped lead peace negotiations that culminated in a historic agreement between the government and rebel forces in the Mindanao region. There, for the first time ever, a woman was the chief signatory to a peace agreement in 2014. Women continue to be seen and treated as merely victims during armed conflict and while they are subjected to unique and disproportionate harms – including sexual violence – they also represent the greatest untapped resource to creating a more peaceful world.

Women’s political participation has been the area where progress has been slowest, even while other indicators have improved. Rates of women’s participation in parliaments and as heads of state are low in both the US and internationally. Rwanda serves an example of success, where women have led the charge to transform their country after the horrific 1994 genocide; it is the only country in the world with a higher percentage of female parliamentarians (64%).

Where women and girls can access education and employment alongside men and boys, countries are more likely to prosper. Yet women in many countries still lack access to education and vocational training. In Pakistan and Nigeria, extremists threaten and commit violence against girls seeking to go to school. In Afghanistan, girls’ enrollment in primary education has increased drastically in the last decade but there has been less progress on higher education for women. Lack of access to education is exacerbated in refugee settings and for internally displaced persons while child marriage continues to disempower young women and undercut their potential to live productive and happy lives.

As we mark International Women’s Day, we should act on our collective unfinished agenda, wherever we live. Despite the genuine progress that has been achieved, our work remains incomplete. Even where laws exist to protect women from harm, enforcement is often lacking. Moreover, gains have been uneven, not only from one geographic region to another but within countries across urban and rural divides.

Empowering women and girls worldwide is strategic and smart. No country can get ahead if it leaves half of its population behind. This is the great, unfinished agenda of the 21st century.

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Melanne Verveer was the inaugural U.S. Ambassador for Global Women’s issues from 2009 to 2013. She now serves as the Executive Director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security.

Mayesha Alam is the Associate Director of the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security and the author of Women and Transitional Justice: Progress and Persistent Challenges (Palgrave Macmillan, 2014).

Women Leading for Peaceful Societies: A Recap of The Carter Center’s 2015 Human Rights Defenders Forum

From: https://www.facebook.com/cartercenter

The Carter Center convened the second Human Rights Defenders Forum (HDRF): “Beyond Violence: Women Leading for Peaceful Societies” on February 7-10, 2015. This annual forum presents itself as an “opportunity for leading human rights activists to raise and amplify their individual and collective voices on key issues in an international space.” More than 60 academics, human rights defenders and religious leaders gathered to discuss pertinent issues such as inclusive leadership, confronting violence against women and girls, and women leading to prevent and resolve violent conflict. This year’s distinguished array of participants included Bineta Diop, Special Envoy for Women, Peace and Security for the African Union; Dr. Alaa Murabit, Voice of Libyan Women; Wai Wai Nu, former political prisoner and founder of the Women’s Peace Network in Myanmar; and former extremist-turned-undercover counterterrorism operative, Mubin Shaikh.

Participants met in closed working group sessions during the first two days of the conference to deliberate drivers of conflict and violent extremism, best practices for transforming those drivers, and threats and challenges to successfully engendering peace. Many participants noted the effect of structural injustice, ingrained in institutional power relations, in fostering environments primed for violent extremism. Forum attendees also identified gender inequality, dearth of educational opportunities, lack of legal mechanisms to resolve disputes nonviolently, and human needs not being met, as specific drivers of violent extremism.

To create a peaceful society, participants recognized the benefit of addressing multiple drivers of violence simultaneously. Proposed actions included:

• Creating additional space for dialogue among stakeholders;
• Documenting and disseminating stories of violence shared by survivors;
• Framing human rights language within cultural and religious contexts so that the concepts resonate with diverse audiences;
• Providing training for the disempowered so that they could more effectively advocate for their rights;
• Instituting early education on human rights through a participatory pedagogy that empowers communities and individuals;
• Working with local NGOs who are trusted within their communities;
• Moving away from language that demonizes certain groups as a whole; and
• Meaningfully engaging female participation in efforts to counter violence.

From: https://www.facebook.com/cartercenter

Speakers at the public event included former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, who began his remarks by acknowledging that gender-based violence is closer to home than many realize. President Carter reported that 60,000 people are living in bondage in the United States today and that Atlanta, where the forum took place, is a global hub for sex trafficking. U.S. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand also addressed the forum, discussing how the United States fails to protect and empower women and girls. She raised the timely example of bias surrounding rape in the military and on college campuses, noting that “institutions will protect the favored, not the survivor,” and also criticized the U.S. for not institutionalizing equal pay for equal work. Another forum participant admonished the United States for being one of the few countries – along with Somalia, Iran, and Sudan – that has not yet ratified the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).

From: https://www.facebook.com/cartercenter

Gaynel Curry, the Gender and Women’s Rights Advisor of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), highlighted a challenge that has been on the forefront of advocates’ minds for the past decade: We have a strong international legal framework on women’s rights, but the challenge is, how do we implement this framework? Curry was hopeful that the upcoming review process for UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which seeks to increase women’s participation in peacebuilding and protect women from sexual violence, could be informed by this forum’s findings. Conference attendees resoundingly agreed that women’s participation and protection are paramount, warning, “If you’re not at the [peace] table, you end up on the menu” and “where there is impunity there will be continued violence.”

From: https://www.facebook.com/cartercenter

To continue this dialogue, the Carter Center launched The Forum on Women, Religion, Violence and Power at this year’s conference. This platform will serve as a safe medium for continued collaboration and consultation to promote equality for women everywhere and foster solutions for peaceful societies. As one participant fervently proclaimed, “Women cannot wait for change…we’ve waited for centuries. We need to push for it.”

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Ashley Binetti is the 2014-2015 Hillary Rodham Clinton Law Fellow at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security. She received her J.D. from Georgetown University Law Center in 2014, specializing in human rights and transnational law.

Gender Equality in Militaries: How Far We’ve Come and How Far We Have to Go

Just ahead of International Women’s Day, George Washington University’s Global Gender Program convened a panel discussion on gender equality in military operations. “What Works? Promoting Gender Equality and the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 in Military Operations” took place 25 February 2015, bringing together a distinguished group of experts that included Dr. Chantal de Jonge Oudraat (President, Women in International Security), Commandant Jayne Lawlor (Gender, Equality, and Diversity Officer, Irish Defense Forces), Charlotte Isaaksson (Gender Advisor, Supreme HQ Allied Powers Europe), Brenda Oppermann (Human Rights Subject Matter Expert), and Dr. Robert Egnell (Visiting Professor and Director of Teaching, Security Studies Program, Georgetown University) for a discussion moderated by George Washington University Professor Dr. Aisling Swaine.

This year will mark the 15^th anniversary of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace, and Security, which affirms the critical roles of women in conflict and in rebuilding societies post-conflict. While the passage of UNSCR 1325 remains a watershed moment in incorporating women’s rights into national security, as Swaine noted, “we still have a long way to go in actually making progress in implementation…and one of the biggest areas where we see gaps are within militaries themselves.”

The Importance of Gender in Military Operations

In her opening remarks, Dr. de Jonge Oudraat identified a key question: Why should we talk about gender in military operations? She recalled that in 2000, when UNSCR 1325 was adapted, many of the peace agreements brokered by the UN were falling apart after just three or four years. There was a great deal of pressure from women’s groups to be at the peace table, which, at that point, “forgot about half the population.” Further, Dr. de Jonge Oudraat explained that this marked the era when the very nature of conflicts was changing, from wars between states to wars within them, drawing attention to the notion of human security.

Photo Credit: Turkish Naval Forces

Dr. Egnell echoed these statements, commenting that Women, Peace, and Security issues are both intrinsically important and necessary to increase military effectiveness. Comdt. Lawlor referred to her experience with the Irish Defense Forces as she explained that some elements of gender awareness were already present in the planning and execution of operations. For instance, it was common knowledge to have female soldiers instead of male soldiers search women, when necessary. Oppermann agreed and offered her perspective from working on these issues with the U.S. military. She noted that military officials realized the necessity of considering local women in the planning of raids. The challenge across the board, however, was identifying such practices as gender awareness and moving beyond these basic applications. A common theme in the discussion was the difficulty of departing from tradition and adopting new procedures and perspectives.

Practical Strategies for Incorporating a Gender Perspective into Military Operations

Though difficult, progress has been made on efforts to incorporate a gender perspective into military operations across the globe. In the Irish military, Comdt. Lawlor created an action plan, or, as she put it, “an idiot’s guide for implementing a gender perspective for soldiers.” She explained that this was an effort to infuse gender awareness training at multiple levels, from career courses to planning operations. Her efforts also included appointments of gender focal points at each level “so that at every stage, no matter what’s going on, someone there is thinking about gender,” and distributing information about local NGOs and civil society organizations poised to serve as further resources.

Isaaksson spoke of similar strategies in her experience at NATO. She emphasized the importance of “treating gender as a task” – outlining strategic and operational objectives as well as defining measures of effectiveness. She underscored that “we want to do gender as we do everything else – fully integrated, not something on the side or parallel.” Isaaksson noted, “I’d argue that [NATO has] been successful on the gender mainstreaming side” and that its approach was “very much about institutionalization.”

Oppermann described a more challenging context from her experience with U.S. Military operations in Afghanistan. She described gender as “not part of the military lexicon.” Oppermann emphasized that incorporating gender perspectives in the U.S. Military is “all about relationship-building.” She detailed steps forward on the ground in Afghanistan, including developing a gender annex as part of a regional order, which she called “a big win,” and female engagement team (FET) trainings. However, the panelists agreed that the U.S. has a long way to go on mainstreaming gender into operations as an institution.

Points of Entry and Points of Resistance

Each speaker emphasized the vital nature of entry points within the institution to produce real and sustainable change. Regarding whether bringing gender perspectives to military is a top-down or bottom-up process, Dr. Egnell argued, “if we want change, we have to affect it from both sides.” Indeed, Comdt. Lawlor highlighted that her institutional action plan gained traction when the IDF Chief of Staff signed onto it. This reiterated Egnell’s point that the way to mainstream gender is through developing incentives to support these issues. Therefore, the system through which one makes gains in salary and promotions has to reflect this perspective.

The discussion pointed to a main challenge in implementing a gender perspective in militaries: resistance to change. The panelists agreed that tradition proved to be a significant block to making progress on gender perspectives. Dr. de Jonge Oudraat affirmed that introducing a gender perspective is a highly political choice as “it is about the distribution of power in society, and people don’t give that up very easily.”

Dr. Swaine closed the discussion by thanking the panelists for sharing their experiences in implementing UNSCR 1325 in militaries, for including remarks both practical and strategic, and discussing points of entry and points of resistance. She emphasized the importance of taking what we know about weaving gender perspectives into military institutions and operations, and ensuring that it is translated into the armed contexts we facing today – contexts in which terrorism and non-state violence are growing threats.

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Lara Sulzman is a graduate student in the Master of Science in Foreign Service program in the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. She focuses her studies on how best to address issues of gender, particularly gender-based violence, in humanitarian crises. She has worked in India, Thailand, and Jerusalem.